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75 Economically, too, the khot was not automatically supreme. One defendant of the khoti system claimed in 1874 that 'there are now dhara holdings larger and more valuable than many khoti villages',76 and certainly some evidence suggests that assertive cultivators could still deny the khot control over the best land 77 In some villages, in fact, the existence of the khoti system was attributed to a desire by the leading cultivators to protect themselves against possible exactions by revenue farmers, for 'in some sanads conferring a village as a khoti watan, it is actually stated that the cultivators had petitioned for a khot He acted as a buffer ..

17. 59 Inam Commission Papers, H. E. Goldsmid, Secretary to Bombay Government, to F. J. Halliday, Secretary to Government of India, 7 January 1850, para. 4. 30 The village in 1850: land tenure, social structure and revenue policy The Konkan These characteristics, however, would not necessarily recur in other parts of western India. The great geographical and climatic differences between the Deccan and the Konkan coastal strip suggested the likelihood of contrasting social structures. The Konkan fiilfilled our earlier conditions for the growth of landlordism: high population density and the tradition of reliable surplus from an intensive agriculture.

55 Badami taluk in Belgaum provides a fairly typical case study within the south. Here Wingate found in 1852 76 completely alienated villages and 151 where government possessed rights. 56 Although many alienations stemmed originally from government grant, the authorities clearly possessed a substantial interest in limiting 53 SBG, NS, No. 30, Selection of Papers Explanatory of the Origin of the Inam Commission and its Progress (hereafter 'Inam Commission Papers'), H. E. Goldsmid, Secretary to Bombay Government, to F.

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Armor At War - Us Tank Battles Germany 1944-45


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